Corporate Social Responsibility Reports Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Corporate Social Responsibility Reports - Essay Example to ensure that organisations run in respect to social norms as well as rules and that the stakeholders are treated distinctly from the organisation itself. Besides, all stakeholders are to receive similar treatments within the organisation and that management is expected to run the organisation to the benefit of all stakeholders. However, it is not obvious that these reports effectively serve on this purposes and this informs the reason of this report. This paper intends to evaluate the effectiveness of these reports in serving the above purpose as against as just mere ‘vehicles’ adopted for public relations among trading organisations. CSR from the Perspective of Accounting Theories Positive theories are adopted with a motive of explaining or predicting the behaviors of corporate as against prescribing the manner in which such organisations ought to behave. The theories revolve around the common notion that the society and corporate have mutual influences where the soci ety influences the corporate performance while the corporate equally influences on the society (Rodriguez and LeMaster, 2007, pp. 370-385). It implies that organisations are distinct constituents of the larger social systems within which we live in. analyzing economic issues as is done within the CSR brings on board the political theories because the social, political as well as institutional frameworks defines environment in which economic activities by corporations take place. This therefore revolves around integrative theories such as legitimacy theorem as well as stakeholder’s theorem. The legitimacy theorem constitutes the formal and informal constraints to which accounting procedures must adhere. The formal constraints comprise of legal frameworks, accounting standards as well as... As the report declares positive theories are adopted with a motive of explaining or predicting the behaviors of corporate as against prescribing the manner in which such organisations ought to behave. The theories revolve around the common notion that the society and corporate have mutual influences where the society influences the corporate performance while the corporate equally influences on the society. This discussion declares that organisations are distinct constituents of the larger social systems within which we live in. analyzing economic issues as is done within the CSR brings on board the political theories because the social, political as well as institutional frameworks defines environment in which economic activities by corporations take place. This therefore revolves around integrative theories such as legitimacy theorem as well as stakeholder’s theorem. The legitimacy theorem constitutes the formal and informal constraints to which accounting procedures must adhere. The formal constraints comprise of legal frameworks, accounting standards as well as professionalism, which instigates mandatory disclosures. On the other hand, the informal legitimacy theorem represents self-imposed frameworks of behavior and conventions governing the societies within which organisations run. This is because organisations strive to operate within the predefined rules and regulation go verning the societies within which they operate.

Mexico and its Importance to US Bilateral relations Essay Example for Free

Mexico and its Importance to US Bilateral relations Essay Mexico is an important asset to the United States, is shares 1,954 miles of border with the United States, and has become an important economic trading partner with the United States. Relations between these two nations are paramount, but we must address a list of issues that need answers, economic reform, homeland security, drug control, migration and even the environment. Every day over one million people cross the border legally, in 2012 two way trade totaled over $500 billion dollars. Mexico has remained one of the biggest tourist destinations for American travelers, and America major source of tourism for Mexico. Cooperation between these two nations is important, it is also important for the United States to help streamline diplomacy with Mexico. In 2010 the Executive Committee for 21st Century Border Management was created to help create advancements in creating a modern, secure and efficient border. This Committee was created to spur ideas on ways to help secure the border, as well as create a better way to manage the legal crossing taking place every day. The attacks September 1 1, 2001 led to the closing of many border crossing, putting a strain on the already verworked crossings, with the implementation of this program new ways are being explored on how we should run these border crossings as well as exploring the re- opening of certain closed crossing points. Cooperative activities between the U. S. and Mexico take place under a number of arrangements such as the U. S. -Mexico Border 2012/2020 Program the North American Development Bank and the Border Environment Cooperation Commission; the North American Commission for Environmental Cooperation; the Border Health Commission. These agencies help cooperate with Mexico in regards to the serious environmental issues that have risen ue to population growth and industrialization. In 2008 we began the Merida Initiative seeking to cooperate with Mexico as well as other South American countries in an attempt to curb the growing trend of drug trafficking crimes. Mexico suggested that it was a shared problem because the majority of the money flowing into Mexico was from American drug users. Although as of 2012 congress has appropriated nearly 1. 9 billion dollars to the Merida Initiative. Beginning in 2010 the Merida Initiative took a four pillar approach to break down its attempts at disrupting the drug trafficking and violence problem. The first pillar aims to disrupt the capacity of organized crime to operate and the second pillar focuses on enhancing the capacity of Mexicos government and institutions to sustain the rule of law. The Merida Initiatives third pillar aims to improve border management to facilitate legitimate trade and movement of people while thwarting the flow of drugs, arms, and cash. Finally, the fourth pillar seeks to build strong and resilient communities. Despite the major advances we have made with mexico regarding trade and the furtherance of our partnership as nations, it must be noted the major issues we still ace. The Drug Cartels in mexico currently run a 20 plus billion dollar a year industry. important area of discussion is the immigration issues that have faced the united states from mexico as immigrants attempt to flee mexico for a variety of reasons. Mexico is also a major recipient of remittances, in 2012 the state department estimated over 22 billion dollars worth was sent from relatives living in America. Immigration has become a hot point in current affairs, it is time to analise some options for the future in regards to immigration and options regarding drug rafficking issues. In may of 2013 Obama announced the formation of a bilateral forum on higher education, innovation, and research. With this forum the United States and mexico will encourage typically underprivileged students to attend college and secondary schools providing them access to these schools as well as secondary training programs in STEM fields.. This forum is our first step towards making mexico an economic power as well as a place that can welcome advancing technology. Recommendations. Increasing the funding that is appropriated for the Merida Initiative, this funding hould be sent towards furthering the security checkpoints at Mexicos borders. Updating x ray machines as well as non-invasive body scanners. Money should also be spent in an attempt to inform the Mexican community of the intentions to curb the trend of drug cartel control. The Merida initiative should focus primarily on the first pillar, of disrupting organized Criminal Groups. Scrapping all additional plans for continuing the fence on the American Mexican border. Rather Funds should be appropriated in designating a committee to explore further partnership with Mexico regarding immigration. America needs to accept that Mexican immigrants as a majority are good people looking for honest work. This should no longer be a crime, The process of obtaining a green card should be streamlined, making it accessible to anyone who seeks it out. This policy has to go hand in hand with near total elimination of drug violence. Mexico needs to be regarded as a safe place where both American and Mexican nationals can come and go across the border freely and without safety in question. Mexico should not be treated as a third world nation, we have the potential to help them become a eautiful place to visit. It Just requires some creative policy ideas to meet our goals. Drug Reform has not had much success, in part to the weak policies that have been implemented.

Political Objectives of the Falklands War

Political Objectives of the Falklands War War as a Strategic Tool of Policy: The Falklands War Did War prove to be a Successful Means of Achieving Political Objectives? Examine from both UK and Argentinean perspectives. In an essay of this brevity it would be impossible, and indeed unnecessary, to discuss fully the history of the Falkland Islands; we will therefore begin by discussing the immediate origins of the conflict before going on to discuss the strategic, economic and finally political objectives of both participants before reaching a conclusion as to weather the war proved a successful means of achieving each sides political objectives. Development of a Crisis. Argentina had been smarting for some years after the 19th century British occupation of the Falkland Islands, but the matter began to come to a head when they raised the question of sovereignty at the United Nations in 1964. At that time the British position was that sovereignty was non-negotiable, but that they were open to discussions regarding contact between the Islands and Argentina, as well as issues regarding the welfare of the Islanders themselves. An the beginning of 1966, the British Foreign Secretary held discussions regarding the Falklands with officials in Buenos Ares and later a meeting was held in London with the same issue on the agenda. The British strategy during these discussions was to defuse and potential difficulties and to essentially to maintain the then current position. The Argentinean delegations, however, wanted nothing short of a return of the Malvinas to Argentine sovereignty; from the very beginnings of the growing crisis the two sides had differing and indeed mutually exclusive, political and strategic objectives. After the discussions the British publicly stated that they had no strategic, political or economic interests in the Falkland Islands, all of which were untrue as we will see. The growing tension was not only felt among the higher echelons of Government, but also among the public, particularly in Argentina and on the Islands themselves. In September 1964 a light aircraft landed at Port Stanley and planted an Argentine flag, the pilot then took off and returned to Argentine without opposition. Exactly two years later a hijacked Argentine passenger airliner was forced to land on the Island and despite suspicions to the contrary the argentine government denied any involvement. These incidents helped to raise the existence of a British colony on its very doorstep to the Argentine populace, as did the British response of stationing a platoon of marines on the east of the Islands. In November 1966 the British proposed a thirty year freeze on discussions, after which time the islanders would be allowed to decide their own future, this was rejected by the Argentineans as it did not serve their immediate political objectives of a return of the islands. In March of the following year the British subjected that, under certain conditions, they would be prepared to cede sovereignty of the islands to Argentina. There were conditions attached, however, most notably that the wished of the islanders would be paramount. The islanders themselves lobbied parliament and the matter was dropped. The condition that the wished of the islanders be sacrosanct was to become the key underlying theme of British foreign policy with regard to ownership of the islands. The islanders themselves wished to remain a British protectorate and thus the British Government were forced to discount all proposals to the contrary. To the Argentineans, sovereignty was the key issue; thus their respec tive political objectives set the two nations on a collision course. With the political objectives seemingly firmly entrenched and mutually exclusive, it seems a little strange that the two sides continued to negotiate throughout the 1970’s. In the middle of June 1970, talks were concluded that resulted in improved communications between the Argentineans and the Falklanders. The Islanders were offered travel documents that allowed them to move freely in Argentine, as well as a generous range of financial incentives. The Argentines believed that they had made significant concessions and that the British had not reciprocated at all. In 1974 the British proposed a condominium, essentially joint control of the islands. The islanders themselves balked at the idea however. If the Argentine concessions of 1970 had been intended to sway public opinion among the islanders in their favour, it had evidently failed. By the mid 70’s, the Argentine Government had evidently grown tired of attempts to seek a purely political resolution and their position hardened. Argentina began to increase the strength of its rhetoric and openly implied the possibility of invasion. This was followed at the beginning of 76 by an Argentine destroyer firing upon and attempting to board a British vessel. March 1976 say a military coup in Argentina; the military had no doubt been increasing in power as the hardening of the Argentine line on the Falklands of the previous few years indicates. Soon after the coup in Argentina, a patrol helicopter from the HMS Endurance discovered an Argentine military presence on Southern Thule, part of the Falkland Islands, a clear violation of British territory. The British Government failed to react in any more serious way than making a formal protest. This Argentine base was allowed to exist unchallenged for five years, right up to the outbreak of the war in 1982. If there was any one factor in the pre war years that convinced the powers that be in Argentine of the lack of political and/or military will to maintain control of the Falkland Islands it was the failure to react appropriately the they unchallenged presence on southern Thule. 1979-80 saw, along with the election of a new Conservative Government in Great Britain, the revival of the lease back idea first proposed by the British in 1975; the idea being that formal sovereignty would transfer to Argentina whilst the British would maintain a military base and continue to administer the islands. The proposal was vehemently opposed by the islanders and their supporters in Britain. Despite this opposition, the Foreign Office pursued the policy whilst Lord Carrington advised the new Prime Minister Thatcher of the likely political consequences at home. The policy was eventually rejected. Following the breakdown of talks, a summit was held in New York, but, as reported in the Economist, the British diplomats were politically restrained and had little or nothing to offer regarding concessions over sovereignty. By the beginning of 1982, the Argentine military junta was thoroughly dissatisfied with the level and pace of progress and, although publicly stating that their aim was a diplomatic solution to the problem, the unstated agenda was sovereignty by the end of the year. The invasion was, perhaps inevitable. Strategic objectives. The strategic importance of the Falkland Islands is very easy to assess, a simple glance at a map is enough. The islands were one of the very few bases for the British in the Southern Atlantic; from the islands the British could maintain a vigil upon activity throughout most of the southern part of South America. For this reason too, it was of vital (probably even greater) importance to Britain’s key ally, the United States. The importance of the islands in friendly hands can be suggested by the unofficial assistance provided to the British task force by the American navy. Thus Britain’s policy objectives were inseparably bound within strategic considerations. The Argentineans perspective was precisely the reverse; they could no longer tolerate a base so close their coastline. An analogy may be seen in the position of the United States over Cuba during the Cold War. The desire to recover the Malvinas Islands was not new, but the military coup did provide new impetus to the policy, along with putting in power people who were not afraid to explore, and finally execute, the military option in order to achieve the objective. Economic objectives. The economic objectives of both sides as a cause of the conflict have been largely ignored by historians. In 1966 the British unofficially told the Argentines that they had no economic interest in the islands at all and that they were largely self sufficient. Although this may have been the case at the time, this position soon changed. By 1975 the British Government established a working committee under, Lord Shackleton, to investigate the economic potential of the islands. The report concluded the islands had enormous fishing potential, as well as potentially significant oil and natural gas reserves. The oil crisis of 1973 and a recent (1973-75) geological survey in the region had suggested the significant potential for the development of local oil and gas fields. Thus, economically the British Government could not allow the islands to pass out of the British sphere of influence. The Argentines were also aware of the economic potential of the islands as the geological survey was not secret, this led to suspicion in Buenos Ares that the â€Å"British were after the islands oil† The importance of the discovery of oil in the region can not be overstated as a reason for increasing tensions in the region. It would have been politically unsound to say the least for the British to cede control of significant new reserves to a foreign power so soon after a global oil crisis. To the Argentineans, the potential exploitation of a major new oil field just a few miles off their coastline, by a foreign power, was unacceptable. Political objectives. Margaret Thatcher had become Prime Minister of Great Britain in 1979; after wresting the leadership from Edward Heath after the electoral defeats of 1974. The early years of the new Thatcher Government were not easy; inflation was a major issue, as was the entrenched power of trade unions. Oil prices were high following a crisis with Iran, further fuelling inflationary pressures. High interest rates and an increase in VAT did not help the domestic economic position, nor did it help British industry, leading to record unemployment and recession. By 1980, both inflation and unemployment were double what they had been at the election the previous year. The obvious domestic political result was a massive slide in popularity of the new Conservative Government and a significant personal decline in the popularity of the Prime Minister. By 1981 unemployment reached 2.5 million and there were riots in Brixton and Toxteth; the following year unemployment stood at 3 million, where it remained for five years. With this domestic backdrop it is hardly surprising that the British put so little emphasis upon the developing crisis in the Southern Atlantic., and the lack of appropriate response to the landings on Southern Thule. The Argentine invasion allowed the Thatcher government to move the focus away from the failing domestic agenda to matters of foreign policy. She surrounded herself in calls of patriotism which the country responded to. The British task force was assembled with remarkable speed and despatched to the Falklands. The recovery of the islands was hailed as a personal triumph for Mrs. Thatcher, and the general feeling of deep political failure with which the crisis began, had been transformed into a sense of resounding and overwhelming success by its conclusion. The Falklands crisis was a major success for the Thatcher Government; confidence was restored, popularity was again high, despite the domestic situation not having improved at all. For the new military junta in Argentina, there was only one possible course of action. Recovery of the Malvinas Islands was a priority. Military regimes generally do not pride themselves on economic success, but rely on strength of arms; an invasion of the islands became inevitable therefore. The unopposed landings on Southern Thule had had a positive effect in Argentina, reinforcing the belief that the islands would return (and soon) to Argentine control. The invasion came soon after and acted to stabilise the political situation in Argentina, the new regime was acting to secure the islands and thus the nation’s borders from foreign imperialist powers. Initially therefore, the invasion was a huge success, although it quickly turned to disaster as the Argentines underestimated the desire of the British to maintain control of the Falklands. Ultimately the invasion was as negative a force for the Argentine junta as it was positive for the Thatcher Government. Conclusion. Despite the initial successes of the operation for the Argentines, the strategy of militarily occupying the islands proved an utter failure. Progress that was being made on diplomatic means of recovery of the islands, even if that had been some kind of shares control, was lost completely. The Thatcher Government began the crisis in deep difficulties on the domestic front, but a victory in warfare, the defending of the realm as it were, proved a resounding success for the Government and restored its failing popularity, despite the dire domestic situation remaining unchanged. The war was, therefore, a significant success for the British. With hindsight we can also say that it helped to lead to eighteen years of Conservative Government, a feat that would surely have been impossible without the Falklands campaign, or with any kind of a failure to recover the islands. Bibliography. P. Beck, The Falkland Islands as an International Problem (London 1988) L. Freedman, Britain and the Falklands War (Oxford 1988) L. S. Gustafson, The Sovereignty Dispute over the Falkland (Malvinas) Islands (Oxford 1988) M. Hastings S. Jenkins, The Battle for the Falklands (London 1983) D. Kinney, Anglo-Argentinean Diplomacy and the Falklands Crisis, in A. Coll, and Anthony C. Arend, (eds.), The Falklands War: Lessons for Strategy, Diplomacy and International Law (London 1985) G. A. Makin, The Military in Argentine Politics 1880-1982, Millenium: Journal of International Studies, 1983a, 12.1 G. A. Makin, Argentine Approaches to the Falklands/Malvinas: was the Resort to Violence Foreseeable, International Affairs, 1983b, 59.3 M. Middlebrook, Task Force: The Falkland Islands War, 1982, (London 1987) D. Sanders, H. Ward, D. Marsh, Government Popularity and the Falklands War: A Reassessment, British Journal of Political Science, 1987, 17.3 Lord Shackleton, Economic Survey of the Falkland Islands, vol’s 1-2 (London 1976) J. H. Wylie, The Influence of British Arms: an Analysis of British Intervention since 1956, (London 1984) D. S. Zakheim, The Southern Atlantic Conflict: Strategic, Military, and Technological Lessons, in A. Coll, and Anthony C. Arend, (eds.), The Falklands War: Lessons for Strategy, Diplomacy and International Law (London 1985) The Economist, January 24th 1976 The Economist, June 19th 1982 The Times, January 19th 1976

Gods VS Mortals :: essays research papers

â€Å"There is only one way: Destroy them all." Lucan's burning eyes moved slowly from one god to the next, hoping his harsh decree had convinced more of them to take his side. It had seemed like an eternity (which it very well could have been) since all the gods had gathered together like this. â€Å"This can not be the way, I still believe this would be an over reaction.† Ranna said, waving her hand as if to throw away Lucan's idea. â€Å"What the mortals need is our guidance.† â€Å"You cannot be seriously talking about the, elves† Lucan scowled â€Å"How can you be so passionate about the race that yellowed your fields, up rosed and murdered your followers, even attacked you! There is nothing in their heart but the love for wealth and power.† She glared back at him. â€Å"That is your doings at work, Lucan. It was only when they broke on to the Flats of Power that you stopped enjoying their growing domination of Nithra.† â€Å"We all agree mortals have gone too far," Srill interrupted, knowing there was a need to interrupt before the argument went on further. "But the answer isn't to wipe away all of our work. It is only a few races that have gone this far. Perhaps a select cleansing instead of complete destruction." Rook shook his head. "I have to agree with Lucan on this matter. Wiping them out is the only way." "The answer is obvious," interrupted Cazil. "If my power was allowed to grow, the mortals would be in no position to challenge us. Fear will keep them in line, it always should have." Kara roared. "Absurd! It's proven that apart any one of us can be overcome by the mortals. It is our neglect that has brought this upon us. The solution must be one that we can all agree on." "can you be too blind?" Lucan growled. "How can you not see that the mortals must be punished?" "You ignore their honor," Marr countered. "They earned the right to exist. "Right to exist?" Innok cackled. "Leave them to their selfs and they will destroy themselves in greed and hate. We should not kill them, but step to the side and let them waste them selfs." "We don't have that kind of time," Ro speaks. "The planes are already weak, some have already been completely erased, our powers have grown too weary to hold them. We must strike back while we still can.

Poverty and Education Essay

Poverty has been defined by many authors as the total absence of opportunities that go with high levels of illiteracy, hunger, malnourishment, lack of education, physical and mental ailments, social and emotional instability.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Poverty is characterized by chronic shortage of political, economic and social participation, leading individuals to feel socially excluded preventing access to the benefits of social and economic developments and hence limiting cultural development and diversification (UN Chronicle, Dec 2000 by Ramon Osiris   Blanco). Reasons for poverty are diverse with main factors being social and individual conditions. The social conditions is tied intrinsically to the political and economic realms as it is the administrator of power who regulates the distribution of resources and services, creating controls which bring about inequalities that are some times found in land distribution capital infrastructure, markets, and information or consulting services or any other fields that bring   about differences inhuman development. In the individual conditions inequality translates to limitations in access to services such as portable water, education recreation, public hygiene and health.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In United States of America just like any other part of the world, poverty has contributed to poor levels of education among poor students. For instance poor students end up attending sub standard schools where the pupil – teacher ratio is not ideal, these s schools have poorly trained teachers thereby compromising the standards of education.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Poverty in education has historically been an issue in relation to American schools.   In the 1980s it was known that impoverished children were less likely to succeed in education and that something had to be done to alter this situation for the poor. It is as a result of this that many political leaders and other administrators, both in the past and presently came up with policies aimed at addressing the problem of poverty in relation to education. Hillary Clinton in her contribution suggests that changes in policies for poor children must include changes in the educational system: something she claims to have been struggling to accomplish for the past 35 years. Change of system would not achieve much if those policies already in place are not fully implemented. As National Ministries agrees with Clinton’s ideas, stating that the elimination of No Child Left behind (NCLB) Act would be an asset to achieving this goal. It is actually a matter of good will and seriousness by the leaders in addressing this issue rather than changing the systems. Although NCLB act has been in place for quite some time it has not achieved its objectives: the country has the highest number of young poor citizens’ compared to other developed nations.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Barrack Obama on his part, believes that changing education for the poor must begin with changing financial aid for college students in order to provide assistance for impoverished students in need of higher education. This is practical, and this view is supported by Hillman, who also contends that the current administration has done nothing to alter life for the impoverished and that education should be President Bush’s main focus as president. Obama’s view is also supported by the fact that poverty stricken students in poor states have been faced with unequal distribution of resources such federal aids. A report released in 2006 on this issue revealed that the poorest states were being shortchanged by policies aimed at distributing federal aid to public schools. It further reveals that wealthier states were receiving more federal aids (http://technocrat.net/d/2006/12/27/12662).    Other than distributing resources to poor students as supported by Obama, there is also further need to consider who is actually needy and able to excel in academics.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Kotlowitz suggests, through his research, that the young children struggling to succeed in school must be the target of social concern because in the early years it is when children will determine whether or not education is of value in their lives.   This viewpoint makes it clear that each of the candidates and researchers that have presented ideas about poverty and education have completely failed to understand that it is not that further educational reform is needed; it is that support for current reform policies must be supported if impoverished children are to realize the benefits of education. Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton argues that children living in poverty in the United States is a â€Å"moral outrage† (para. 2).   Clinton focuses on the issue of poverty in her campaign through several different perspectives, to include education, health care, housing, hunger and abuse.   In relation to education Clinton states: [In Arkansas] I started a special program for mothers of pre-scholars to get their kids ready for kindergarten, and also worked on reforming the state’s rural health care system, which helped many poor families and their children. As First Lady, I pushed the effort to expand Head Start and help create Early Head Start. (para. 5)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   National Ministries agrees with Clinton that the issue of poverty must be addressed through several avenues in order to assist impoverished youth.   In 2005 National Ministries elected to narrow down their focus, however, on education and the unfair standardized testing program created through the federal No Child Left Behind Act due to their belief that NCLB does not consider that impoverished children traditionally score lower on tests that other youths (â€Å"Advisory† para.   6).   Consequently, according to National Ministries, NCLB is an ineffective program that hinders the educational success of the poor and action is needed through state and federal governments to end the negative impact that NCLB has on children.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The history of NCLB begins with a report commissioned by President Ronald Reagan on the state of American schools. The report, entitled â€Å"A Nation at Risk,† concluded that the American educational system was in horrendous shape, impacted by inadequate learning programs, ineffective teachers and low expectations for students (â€Å"Nation†).   The panel producing the report called on federal and state authorities to address these issues because of the declining test scores of students in order to ensure that students of today were prepared to be productive members of society tomorrow. Despite the federal monies that were then placed into education the educational systems of the nation did not heed the advice of the panel and no significant effort was made to reform public education completely throughout the ’90s and the presidency of Bill Clinton.   It was not until 2001 that George W. Bush signed into law the No Child Left Behind Act that mandated educational reform and provided for consequences if all children were not equally educated despite their socioeconomic class (â€Å"No Child†).   The legislation forced teachers and administrators to realize that lowering standards for any students meant lowering expectations, goals and opportunities and that impoverished students were being overlooked and cast aside. It is interesting to note, however, that Clinton speaks of her massive progress in educational reform while first lady and that National Ministries argues that standardized testing does not take into account the inabilities of poor children.   The fact remains that massive educational reform was not realized until the Clinton’s left office and that standardized testing completely opposes the notion that poor students cannot learn, as indicated in the report â€Å"A Nation at Risk†, which states: Our recommendations are based on the beliefs that everyone can learn, that everyone is born with an urge to learn which can be nurtured, that a solid high school education is within the reach of virtually all, and that life-long learning will equip people with the skills required for new careers and for citizenship. (â€Å"Nation†)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Nevertheless, despite the passage of NCLB into law in 2001 Lazarus contends that President Bush, speaking at the United Nations in 2005, discussed poverty and the need to create a global environment in which â€Å"the burden of poverty†¦is lifted†¦permanently† from the poor (para. 1-2).   Bush was speaking of economic change and the need for nations to come together to address the concern for the impoverished. However, according to Lazarus, Bush should have been considering how he could alter the nation’s educational system in order to ensure that children in the United States had the skills to be competitive in the globalized marketplace and potentially advance into higher education (para. 5).   It is evident that the call of Lazarus for educational reform in 2005 completely missed the reality that NCLB was signed into law in 2001. Devarics discussed the appointment of Barack Obama to the Senate Education Committee, stressing that Obama appeared to have two chief concerns regarding education.   These concerns included Obama’s focus on increasing Pell Grant funding provided by the federal government for college students and creating â€Å"innovative districts† that offered an alternative to traditional education (para. 7-12). Hillman supports the notion that methods must be altered by the government and society for aiding impoverished students in their pursuit of higher education (para. 3).   Hillman begins his article by stating that of the 14 most impoverished states 11 of them are located in the South, meaning that southern children are more inclined to â€Å"be left behind† than their northern counterparts (para. 2).   Yet, Hillman continues by stating that the most effective approach to assisting these students is to ensure that they have access to a college education and that funding, as well as programs, must be changed in order for a higher education to be a reality for the impoverished. The argument for equality in higher education is important, however, Kotlowitz contends that by the age of ten the identities and beliefs of children are being formed, which will influence every aspect of the child’s interaction with education and the social order (ix).   The view of Kotlowitz is significant because he spent two years investigating the lives of two male youths at the age of 10 that were struggling with poverty and the impact that poverty had on their lives and decisions.   The journalistic evidence of Kotlowitz, therefore, provides evidence that changing education must begin for youth is those children are even to consider the possibility of advancing on to college. Conclusion It is evident in the research that multiple ideas exist regarding poverty and education in the United States.   Clinton, Lazarus and the National Ministries speak as though no reform related to education has occurred in the past few decades and that this issue must be addressed.   Obama and Hillman conclude that in order to assist the poor with education increases in federal Pell Grants should be created.   Yet, what each of these arguments fails to realize is that federal mandates on educational reform were created in 2001 through NCLB.   These mandates are being called unfair and unsuccessful by some and ignored by many others.    Additionally, these mandates force those within the educational system to alter their educational programs specifically for the poor, including young children who are just beginning to make decisions about the rest of their lives.   There is no question that the views expressed in the research completely overlook the fact that no program for addressing the needs of the poor in education will ever be successful if those in authority fail to support it, or even attempt to try it for the benefit of those concerned.   Consequently the viewpoints expressed by all but Kotlowitz do not fully concentrate on the issue of poverty and education; rather they misrepresent this concern to the American people intentionally and with only political gain in mind. It is clear that there have been good policies in regard to education in the US, but such have always not been implemented. There have also been programs on grants to both rich and poor states in support of educational institutions, but distribution of them has for long been clouded in controversy. The only way that education among the poor citizens in the US can be uplifted is through outright implementation of all policies relating to education in good will. Works Cited â€Å"Advisory Group Meeting Refines Public Education Emphasis for Children in Poverty Initiative.† National Ministries. 2005. 23 Mar. 2008 . Clinton, Hillary. â€Å"Hillary Clinton: Child Poverty†. Care 2.   2008. 23 Mar. 2008 . Dervarics, Charles. â€Å"U.S. Sen. Barack Obama Joins Education Committee.† Diverse Education. 2006. 23 Mar. 2008 . Hillman, Nick. â€Å"Majority of Southern Public School Children Live in Poverty.† Sharing Witness. 2007. 23 Mar. 2008   .Kotlowitz, Alex. There Are No Children Here. New York: Doubleday. Lazarus, David. â€Å"Education Can Crush Poverty†. San Francisco Chronicle. 2005. 23 Mar. 2008 . â€Å"Nation at Risk: An Imperative for Educational Reform, A†.   U.S. Department of Education. 1983. 23 Mar. 2008 . â€Å"No Child Left Behind†.   United States Department of Education. 2008. 23 Mar. 2008 . UN Chronicle, Dec 2000 by Ramon Osiris   Blanco Poverty biggest factor in unequal education in United States, available at: http://technocrat.net/d/2006/12/27/12662, assessed on April 6, 2008

Pregnancy: the Effects of Alcohol and Substance Abuse Essay

Abstract This paper examined the effects of alcohol and substance abuse on fetal development in expecting mothers. The critical periods of fetal development during pregnancy are reviewed and discussed in order to determine the effects alcohol and substance can cause during certain stages. In order to gain a more efficient understanding of the effects different substances can have on fetal development the following substances were studied: (1) alcohol, (2) cocaine, (3) opioids, (4) nicotine (smoking), and (5) cannabis sativa (marijuana). Each substance (previously listed) examined was provided with supporting evidenced of past research. Developmental (i.e. physical and mental) impairments were found to be common amongst the general population of newborn infants and children exposed to alcohol and drug substances in utero. Use of alcohol and drug substances during pregnancy not only put expecting mothers own health at risk, but their fetuses as well. Providing expecting mothers with proper treatment for alcohol and substance use has proven to be an effective method in reducing the risk of impairing their fetus’s development (i.e. physical, and mental) during pregnancy and later into childhood. It is essential to provide general awareness to the public about the affects that alcohol and substance abuse can have on fetal development and help pregnant women seek proper care. Pregnancy: The Effects of Alcohol and Substance Abuse on Fetal Development Today alcohol and substance abuse is continuing to increase across the general population, particularly among expecting mothers (Cohen &Inaba, 2007). Many infants being born today suffer from severe physical, mental, and behavioral deformities and impairments due to alcohol and substance exposure in utero (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). Research has been continuously conducted in order to examine the effects different substances can have on a developing fetuses growth (i.e. physical, mental, and behavioral) in utero and after birth. The majority of their findings indicate a strong correlation between the time, type and amount of substances mothers use during their pregnancy and the effects it has on their fetuses (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). The purpose of this paper is to address these issues through several different concepts: (a) first, what are the critical levels of development in utero?, (b) an in depth review on substances associated with fetal impairments (i.e. alcohol, cocaine, opioids, nicotine, and cannabis sativa (marijuana)), supported by scientific evidence and possible treatment, and (d) identifying substance abuse in expecting mothers and reducing harm to the fetus. Critical Periods of Fetal Development The first critical period of fetal development is known as the germ cell period. This begins when a sperm and egg unite and their genetic information is fused together (Office of Children’s Health Protection, 2003). During this period exposure to any form of toxicant substances (i.e. alcohol and drug substances) can potentially harm the germ cells development. This can have a direct impact on not only the mother’s fertility, but also her future child’s health (Office of Children’s Health Protection, 2003). After the germ cells have developed past what is known as a single-cell zygote, they are now identified as a fetus (meaning they are capable of living outside of the mothers womb) and have reached the embryonic and fetal period of development (Office of Children’s Health Protection, 2003). The fetus grows increasingly fast during this period, because it is consider more vulnerable to environmental and substance exposures than during other stages o f development (Office of Children’s Health Protection, 2003). This is due to the fact that major organs are beginning to form, grow and develop, which will continue throughout the remainder of the pregnancy and infancy (Office of Children’s Health Protection, 2003). Disruption of development (i.e. environmental toxins and substances) during this period can cause major defects in the structure of developing organs (i.e. brain cellular structure, lungs, heart, kidney, and etc.), and other important structures (i.e. bones and muscles). This may result in the death of the fetus or cause severe physical malformations (i.e. congenital abnormalities) or mental impairments (i.e. disorders) (Office of Children’s Health Protection, 2003). As the stages of prenatal development progress, exposure to environmental toxins and substances can result in the fetus developing an array of defects and deficiencies that can continue after birth and up through adulthood (i.e. physical, mental, and behavioral) (Office of Children’s Health Protection, 2003). It is clear that expecting mothers need to be conscious of what they expose their fetuses to in utero so they develop properly. It is imperative that expecting mothers avoid the use of any alcohol or other drug substances during their pregnancy. Each period of development for a fetus is critical and exposure to alcohol and substances can significantly reduce their chance of being born and living a healthy life (Office of Children’s Health Protection, 2003). The Effects of Different Substances on Fetal Development Expecting mothers need to be cautious of what they expose their growing fetus to throughout the entire pregnancy. Disruption of proper fetal development can cause severe deformities in the fetus physically, mentally, and behaviorally (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). Expecting mothers ingest alcohol and drug substances leave their fetus susceptible to severe developmental impairments (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). The following areas will be covered in this section: (1) fetal exposure to alcohol, (2) fetal exposure to cocaine, (3) fetal exposure to opioids, (4) fetal exposure to nicotine, and (5) fetal exposure to cannabis sativa (marijuana). Fetal Exposure to Alcohol When expecting mothers consume alcohol they are immediately putting their fetus’s health at risk. Essentially they are leaving their fetus susceptible to not only structural deformities, but also a variety of fetal alcohol spectrum disorders (FASD) (Feldman, pg.76, 2011). Out of all of the FASDs, fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) is the most common. Statistics indicate that over â€Å"0.33-2.9 cases per 1,000 births have FAS† (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). FAS typically results in the fetus developing the following problems: (1) severe abnormalities in physical, neurological and behavioral functioning and development, (2) severely reduced weight and cranium size, (3) deformities of the face and other body parts (otherwise known as dysmorphia), and (4) are at higher risk for Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS) (Feldman, pg.76, 2011). In essence exposure to alcohol can significantly affect a fetus internal and external body structure, can cause neurological and behavioral abnormalitie s, and even physical deformities. Research Kenneth Jones (1986) supports this assumption through his studies on FAS. Jones (1986) findings suggest that FAS effects the development of the fetus’s brain and facial/bodily structures during utero and after birth. Typically children will be diagnosed with moderate to severe mental retardation due to structural deformities in their the brain (i.e. microcephaly, short palpebral fissures, and etc.) or they will be identified as having severe facial dysmorphia (i.e. long smooth philtrum, thin vermilion of the upper lip, joint anomalies, altered palmar crease pattern, and etc.) (Jones, 1986). Jones (1986) concluded that over 40% of infants who are born are born to alcoholic mothers, whom are then diagnosed with FAS. However, it is possible for doctors to reduce the chances of children developing FAS and other FASDs through preventive forms of treatment. The majority of times children are more susceptible to developing FASD due to the doctors inability to clearly identify the expecting mothers level of drinking (Bakhireva & Savage, 2011). If physicians are given the capability to identify expecting mothers regular drinking patterns they can provide her with alternative methods to drinking and reduce the risk of her child develop an FASD (Bakhireva & Savage, 2011). Bakhireva & Savage (2011) found that in identifying expecting mothers drinking levels, physicians would be able to detect the fetus’s risk for developing FASD and other neurobehavioral disorders later in life and prevent it. Bakhireva & Savage (2011) findings suggest that there are biomarkers that are more sensitive to alcohol metabolism, which are capable of detecting the alcohol in tissue types for longer periods of time since the mother last drank. This will then assist physicians in diagnosing fetal alcohol exposure and possible damage to the fetus, which will then help them discern what preventive measures need to be taken. Developing new methods of detection and prevention of FASD is one of the most effective ways to help children avoid severe d evelopmental impairments. Expecting mothers also need to be informed of the damages that alcohol exposure can cause and seek the necessary care. Fetal Exposure to Cocaine Today over 558,000 expecting mothers abuse cocaine (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). The National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH)(2005) cited by Cohen & Inaba (2007) determined that there was a â€Å"4% rate of cocaine use among women in their first trimester, 3% among those in their second trimester, and 2% among those in their third trimester†. Because of this expecting mothers need to become aware of how cocaine can affect their developing fetus. Typically the stimulants in cocaine affect the fetus’s heart, which leads to blood vessel to constriction. This causes unhealthy elevations of blood pressure in both the mother and fetus (Cohen & Inaba, 2011). For the fetus there life is put at great risk. This is because the mother’s body will stop the flow of any blood, nutrients, or oxygen from reaching the fetus and can cause retarted fetal development or even a stroke within the fetus’s brain (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). This type of constriction can also increase th e chances of the mother having a spontaneous abortion (due to the separation of the placenta from the uterine wall) or a premature delivery (in some cases (typically the third trimester) cocaine can induce labor) (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). Even when an infant makes it through delivery the majority of them suffer from severe withdrawal symptoms. Signs of withdrawal typically consist of: (1) extreme agitation and irritability, (2) hyperactive movement and high respiratory rates, (3) seizures and tremors, and (4) uncontrollable sweating and crying (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). Although physical deformities are common amongst the majority of substances infants are exposed do during utero, cocaine has been found to cause the most damage neurologically. Typically children exposed to cocaine show an increase in â€Å"neurobehavioral disorganization, irritability, and poor language development† (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). In fact researchers Brown, Bakeman, Coles, Sexson, & Demi (1998) studied the effects of cocaine and alcohol exposure during utero on mother’s newborn infant’s and how it affected their birth weight, length, ponderal index, and irritability levels. Researchers found that exposed infants showed an increase in fetal growth deficits, infant orientation, and irritability and a decrease in respiratory rate and proper motor development (only affected by cocaine exposure) (Brown, Bakeman, Coles, Sexson, & Demi, 1998). Cocaine exposure clearly has a severe effect on fetal development. Therefore it is essential that preventive techniques be discussed and reviewed for expecting mothers who are using. Just like alcohol use, there are methods to testing expecting mothers for cocaine use. The most commonly used methods are urine toxicology and serum toxicology, which helps detect â€Å"metabolite benzoylecgonine† (substance found in cocaine) from 72 hours to two weeks after the mother has used (Bhuvaneswar, 2008). In the majority of states today it is mandatory for expecting mothers to be routinely screened for drug use during prenatal doctor visits. In some states a positive test before delivery results in the arrest and incarceration of the expecting mother (Bhuvaneswar, 2008). Most health care providers, however, have argued that women should be given proper drug counseling, confidential screening, and referral for treatment and case management rather than criminal penalties (Bhuvaneswar, 2008). That way expecting mothers can receive the necessary treatment to help make sure the fetus is not harmed anymore than it already has. Essentially when it comes to cocaine use, expecting mothers, and what preventive measures to take, proper screening and treatment are most effective in making sure a fetus develops properly and is born healthy. Fetal Exposure to Opioids Opioids are the most common substance used by expecting mothers. Heroin and methadone are the two most abused. It is assumed that each year there are over 7000 opiate-exposed babies being born (Bhuvaneswar, 2008). Typically expecting mothers will continue to use opioids throughout their pregnancy. When expecting mothers use opioids it usually takes less than one hour for the substance to reach the placental barrier. After only 6 hours it is common for not only the mother to experience withdrawal symptoms, but her fetus as well (Bhuvaneswar, 2008). As the mother goes through withdrawal the substance epinephrine may increase in the amniotic sacks fluid, which could cause severe damage to the growing fetus (Bhuvaneswar, 2008). Continued use of opioids throughout a pregnancy usually results in the following: (1) fetal growth retardation, (2) premature abruption of the placenta (which leads to premature delivery, spontaneous abortion, miscarriage, or stillbirth), (3) neurobehavioral abnor malities (i.e. abnormal sleep patterns, behavioral problems, poor motor skills, learning disorders, mental retardation, and others), and (4) greater risk for Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS) (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). In some cases opioid use can cause the infant to experience Neonatal Abstinence Syndrome (NAS) (severe withdrawal after delivery). It can last from 48-72 hours to days, weeks, or even months. It all depends on how much the mother exposed her infant to during utero (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). Symptoms of NAS are much more intense than an infant who may be withdrawing from nicotine or marijuana. When an infant is experiencing NAS they will exhibit the following characterisitcs: (1) extreme hyperactivity, agitation and irritability, (2) high-pitched crying, sweating and tremors, (3) intense muscle spasms, (4) restlessness, (5) increased respiration, (6) vomiting, and diarrhea, and (7) severe seizures, which may lead to death (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). If an infant successfully makes is through withdrawal they are capable of being cleaned of any opioid substance that they were exposed to during utero. Just as there are preventive measures for expecting mothers using alcohol or cocaine, there are preventive measures for mothers who use opiates. Today there are several clinical options for management of opiate use during pregnancy: (1) methadone maintenance, (2) the use of buprenorphine and naltrexone, and (3) opioid detoxification (usually done during the mothers second trimester) (Bhuvaneswar, 2008). Although not all risks to the fetus are eliminated with these types of treatment, the use of methadone, buprenorphine and naltrexone does help reduce the amount of spontaneous abortions and transmission of infections that opiate use usually causes (Bhuvaneswar, 2008). The main purpose of these methods is to essentially stop the mother from using altogether and reduce the chances of NAS when the child is born. If the expecting mother is able to detox and stop opiate use the chances of her child being born healthy is greater. Fetal Exposure to Nicotine There are over 2,000 different compounds that can be identified in one cigarette. Regardless of the many unhealthy substances contained in one cigarette, more than 17% of expecting mothers still smoke throughout their pregnancy (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). Cigarettes contain both nicotine and carbon dioxide. Which are two known compounds capable of crossing over the placental barrier during pregnancy and reducing the fetuses supply of oxygen (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). However, restriction of oxygen to the fetus is only one concern. The expecting mother is also increasing her chances of having a premature delivery, miscarriage, or even a stillbirth. Nevertheless, premature births are the most common occurrences among expecting mothers who smoke (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). Infants who are born prematurely are abnormally small â€Å"on average they weigh, 7 ounces less, are 1.4 centimeters shorter, and have a smaller head circumference compared with babies of nonsmoking and non-drug-abusing mothersâ €  (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). Although less common than exposure to other drug substances, smoking can cause a variety of defects. The most typical are as follows: (1) congenital abnormalities (heart malformation, cleft lip/palate), (2) brain damage and nerve damage, (3) depressed immune system, (4) poor cognitive abilities (i.e. learning disabilities), and (5) increase chance of Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS) (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). Typically though cognitive abilities are most likely to be impaired. In fact researcher Karen Law (2003) studied the effects nicotine exposure can have on a fetuses neurobehavioral development after birth. Law (2003) found that the infants who were exposed to nicotine during utero were more excitable and hypertonic and showed higher stress levels and abstinence signs when born. Shea & Steiners (2008) research on the effects of prenatal exposure to nicotine found the same results as Law (2003). Shea and Steiners (2008) findings indicated that the nicotine from cigarettes directly affects the fetus’s placental vasculature. This can lead to cognitive and learning deficits in childhood and adolescents, increased risk of hypoxia induced brain damage, and an increased chance of perinatal mortality or even sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) (Shea & Steiner, 2008). Law (2003) and Shea and Steiner (2008) suggest that pregnant women need to avoid smoking during pregnancy in order to prevent serious impairments in neurodevelopment of their fetus. To the majority of expecting mothers exposing their fetuses to nicotine seems much less irresponsible than if they were to expose them to a substance like cocaine or heroine. However, research shows that smoking can and will affect expecting mothers children. May be not to the same extent as cocaine or heroine, but to a point where your child will still be incapable of proper development. Fetal Exposure to Cannabis Sativa (marijuana) It is said that over 17% of expecting mothers smoke marijuana (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). Some mothers condone their use of marijuana throughout their pregnancy, because it is said to help reduce pain when labor occurs. Many people would suggest that the majority of studies today imply that the use of marijuana during pregnancy causes only minimal side effects to the overall health of a fetus. Therefore, it is acceptable for mothers to use when pregnant. This is not true. Jutras-Aswad, DiNieri, Harkany, & Hurd, (2009) studied the use of marijuana during pregnancy and the affects it can have on the fetus during utero and after birth. Researchers did this by examining the endocannabinoid (eCB) system and the effects it has on children’s behavior and mental health. Research indicated that eCB has a direct effect on the fetuses’ central nervous systems (CNS) patterning by influencing migration, survival, and differentiation of committed neurons. Researchers discovered that eCB affects the neuronal systems that control mood, cognition, reward, and goal directed behavior. This then effects the fetus’s brain development, which leaves them vulnerable to severe behavioral problems and neuropsychiatric disorders more so than others after birth. After reviewing this research it obvious that marijuana can have a direct impact on the fetuses brain development (Jutras-Aswad, DiNieri, Harkany, & Hurd, 2009). Although the affects may not be apparent during a mother’s pregnancy, they are clearly identified later in infancy and childhood. In fact previous research conducted by Richardson, Day, and Goldschmidt (1995) studied the effects of marijuana use during pregnancy. Children who had been exposed to marijuana during utero were assessed repeatedly during the neonatal period until the age of six. Results indicated that prenatal marijuana exposure became apparent around ages four through six. There was an increase in childre n’s behavioral problems (i.e. affected their goal directed behavior, planning, organized search, and impulse control) and a decrease in their performance on visual perceptual tasks, language comprehension, sustained attention, and memory (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). These findings support the theory that marijuana use during pregnancy can have an effect on children’s neurological development (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). So like many other drugs, it is strongly recommended that expecting mothers avoid the use of marijuana. Identifying & Providing Treatment for Substance Abuse in Expecting Mothers After reviewing the effects of alcohol and other drug substances on fetal development it is evident that expecting mothers need to abstain from substance use throughout their pregnancies. Rassool & Villar-Luis (2006) further support this assumption through their review on the effects that substance abuse can have on fetal development. Researchers identified several drug substances (i.e. alcohol, cocaine, opioids, nicotine, and cannabis) and found direct causes each substance has on expecting mother’s fetuses after birth. Researchers discovered the following primary concerns for each substance: (1) alcohol use can lead to fetal alcohol syndrome an d possible miscarriage of the fetus, (2) cocaine, opioids, and nicotine can cause perinatal complications and unwanted abortions, and (3) cannabis sativa (marijuana) can cause perinatal complications (miscarriage), intrauterine growth restrictions, abruption placentae, pre-term deliveries, and neurobehavioral abnormalities. After reviewing each substance and potential damage it can cause the Rassool & Villar-Luis (2006) suggest that different measures of prevention should be taken by expecting mothers to reduce the risk of harming their fetus. There are forms of prevention and treatment to help expecting mothers reduce the risk of harming their fetus’s development. The most efficient way to help expecting mothers find treatment is through using the necessary screening techniques in which physicians can identify alcohol or substance abuse (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). By doing so physicians can provide proper intervention, treatment, and preventive services to substance abusing mothers (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). Typically expecting mothers who use drugs during pregnancy are classified as â€Å"AODs† (i.e. â€Å"pregnant women who use alcohol and other drugs†). The most commonly used instrument to identify AODs was developed by Dr. Ira Chasnoff (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). It is known as the 4Ps Plus Instrument, which consists of four basic questions that essentially help identify AODs (Cohen & Inaba,2007). The questions are listed below: 1.) Did either of your parents ever have a problem with alcohol or drugs? 2.) Does your partner have problem with alcohol or drugs? 3.) Have you ever drunk beer, wine, or liquor? 4.) In the month before you knew you were pregnant, how many cigarettes did you smoke? In the month before you knew you were pregnant, how much beer, wine, or liquor did you drink? Once women with AOD are identified they can properly be treated in order to protect the mother and the growing fetus. Treatment may not seem effective once the expecting mother has already exposed her fetus to alcohol or other substances, but that is not true. Although the fetus is still at risk for some developmental damage it is still possible to stop any more from occurring if the mother stops using. Researchers Mayet, Morgan, MaCormack, & Strang (2008) have support for this assumption through their assessment of mothers who exposed their children to substances during utero and then proceeded to attended perinatal addiction treatment throughout the remainder of their pregnancy. Researchers administered a cross-sectional audit of health-care records in order to compare the outcomes of women in 2002â€⠀œ2005 with data from 1989–1991 and the local (i.e. non-substance abusing women) maternity population in 2004–2005. Research found that less newborns required treatment for neonatal abstinence syndrome (NAS) in 2002–2005 compared to 1989–1991. However, there were higher rates of miscarriages, low birth weights, and premature infants, compared to the local maternity population between 2004–2004. Findings suggest that perinatal addictions treatment can be extremely beneficial to mothers abusing substances. It lowers the risk of the mother harming her fetus by reducing the amount of drug substances she exposes her fetus to. It also suggests that addiction treatments are becoming more evolved and are better servicing people compared to 1989-1991. In helping women become abstinent from substance use during their pregnancy it will help both them and their child live a healthier life during and after birth. Conclusion In conclusion, it is clear that alcohol and substance use is an increasing problem for the population of expecting mothers. As discussed in the paper the majority of expecting mothers are exposing their fetuses to the followings substances: (1) alcohol, (2) cocaine, (3) opioids, (4) cigarettes (nicotine), and (5) cannabis sativa (marijuana). Expecting mothers are unaware that they are putting their growing fetus at risk for severe developmental deformities and impairments (i.e. physical, mental, and behavioral) due to such exposure in utero and after birth. Not only that, but mothers are increasing their chances of premature deliveries, miscarriages, spontaneous abortions, and stillbirths. Even if their child makes it through delivery the majority of them experience severe Neonatal Abstinence Syndrome (NAS), Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS), or are born with disorders like fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). However, there are preventive measures that can be taken to avoid substance-abusing mothers risking their fetus’s developmental health. If physicians are able to identify expecting mothers substance use they will be able to give them proper a treatment and care. This will help reduce the chances of the mother impairing her fetus’s development any further (Cohen & Inaba, 2007). Mothers will also be able to get â€Å"clean† and raise their child in a healthy environment. Although it may seem impossible, there are ways to help expecting mothers properly nourish their child back to health even when it comes to substance abuse. References Bakhireva, L. N., & Savage, D. D. (2011). Focus on: Biomarkers of fetal alcohol exposure and fetal alcohol effects. Alcohol Research & Health, 34(1), 56-63. Bhuvaneswar, Chaya (2008). Cocaine & opioid use during pregnancy: Prevalence & Management. Prime Care Companion J. Clinical Psychiatry. 10(1): 59–65. Brown, J. V., Bakeman, R., Coles, C. D., Sexson, W. R., & Demi, A. S. (1998). Maternal drug use during pregnancy: Are preterm and full-term infants affected differently?. Developmental Psychology, 34(3), 540-554. doi:10.1037/0012-1649.34.3.540 Cohen, W.E., & Inaba, D.S. (2007). Uppers, downers, all arounders (6th ed.). Medford, OR: CNS publications, Inc. Feldman, R. S. (2011). Development across the life span (6th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall. ISBN:0558937071. Jones, K.L. (1986). Fetal alcohol syndrome. Department of Pediatrics; 8:122-126. Jutras-Aswad, D., DiNieri, J. A., Harkany, T., & Hurd, Y. L. (2009). Neurobiological consequences of maternal canna bis on human fetal development and its neuropsychiatric outcome. European Archives Of Psychiatry And Clinical Neuroscience, 259(7), 395-412. doi:10.1007/s00406-009-0027-z Law, K.L. (2003). Smoking during pregnancy and newborn neurobehavior. Pediatrics Vol. 111: 1318-1323. Mayet, S., Groshkova, T., Morgan, L., MacCormack, T., & Strang, J. (2008). Drugs and pregnancy—Outcomes of women engaged with a specialist perinatal outreach addictions service. Drug And Alcohol Review, 27(5), 497-503. doi:10.1080/09595230802245261 Rassool, G., & Villar-Luà ­s, M. M. (2006). Reproductive risks of alcohol and illicit drugs: An overview. Journal Of Addictions Nursing, 17(4), 211-213. doi:10.1080/10884600600995242 Shea, A. K., & Steiner, M. (2008). Cigarette smoking during pregnancy. Nicotine & Tobacco Research, 10(2), 267-278. doi:10.1080/14622200701825908 The Office of Children’s Health Protection (2003).Critical periods in development. ICF Consulting, Inc.